Fw: Haste Makes Waste - John Mauldin's Outside the Box E-Letter

 

From: John Mauldin and InvestorsInsight

Sent: Monday, September 29, 2008 7:24 PM

To: jmiller2000@verizon.net

Subject: Haste Makes Waste - John Mauldin's Outside the Box E-Letter

	Contact John Mauldin Print Version Volume 4 - Issue 48 September 29, 2008 Haste Makes Waste By Michael Lewitt The purpose of Outside the Box is to present views which cause us to think through our basic assumptions. This week our old friend Michael Lewitt of Hegemony Capital Management gives us a view as to why the bailout bill going down may not be as bad as I think it might. There is much we agree on, however. And part of our agreement is that a deeper recession is in our future. Let me be clear. Muddle Through is now at risk. I have talked with my publisher, and for the next few weeks of The continuing Crisis, we are going to send more than one OTB per week, and I may also add some short commentary. These are extraordinary times, and I know a lot of you (as I can tell from phone and emails) are worried and are interested in analysis that is not biased with either a perma-bull or perma-bear stance. I will call it as I see it, as always, and forward you material from my best sources. That being said, we will get through this, one way or another. Sanity and clarity will return, as it always does after times of crisis. I wish you the best in your situation. John Mauldin, Editor Outside the Box Haste Makes Waste By Michael Lewitt "Examining the record of past research from the vantage of contemporary historiography, the historian of science may be tempted to exclaim that when paradigms change, the world itself changes with them. Led by a new paradigm, scientists adopt new instruments and look in new places. Even more important, during revolutions scientists see new and different things when looking with familiar instruments in places they have looked before. It is rather as if the professional community had been suddenly transported to another planet where familiar objects are seen in a different light and are joined by unfamiliar ones as well. Of course, nothing of quite that sort does occur: there is no geographical transplantation; outside the laboratory everyday affairs usually continue as before. Nevertheless, paradigm changes do cause scientists to see the world of their research-engagement differently. In so far as their only recourse to that world is through what they see and do, we may want to say that after a revolution scientists are responding to a different world." Thomas S. Kuhn1 The problem with trying to legislate in the middle of a revolution is that you aren't sure whether you are governing the world that is being destroyed or the one that is coming into being. There can be little question that the Wall Street that existed at the beginning of this year is no longer the industry that Congress is seeking to rescue from its own excesses. The financial world has been permanently altered by the collapse of the debt bubble that inexorably built up over the past three decades. Now Congress is trying to design a rescue plan for a world whose shape is highly contingent and unstable. Such an undertaking requires more than two weeks of work. Conventional thinking tells us that the government must do something to stabilize the markets immediately, and that doing something is better than doing nothing. Once again, conventional thinking is wrong. Congress would be much better advised to take the extra few days or week it would take to structure a plan that the world is going to have to live with for a very long time. As we were completing this newsletter, the House of Representatives voted down the emergency package and the financial markets are panicking. Such panic is unwarranted. The world should take a deep breath and consider whether defeat of a deeply flawed bill should be treated as a catastrophe or a rallying cry to develop a better plan that addressed the underlying issues that need to be fixed. The Paulson Plan HCM has been warning for years that all of the king's horses and all of the king's men wouldn't be able to put this mess back together again. It is now time for America to take the pain and figure out how to move forward. Any plan that is adopted must include a sufficient dose of strong medicine to prevent the culture of self-delusion and moral hazard that created the current crisis from further perpetuating itself. The purpose of the Paulson Plan has to be to rebuild confidence in the financial system. The manner in which the plan was presented and debated rendered that more difficult but hopefully not impossible. For any plan that fails to bring confidence back to the market will not work. The great economic historian Charles Kindleberger wrote in his seminal study of financial crises, Manias, Panics, and Crashes, that, "[f]or historians each event is unique. Economics, however, maintains that forces in society and nature behave in repetitive ways. History is particular; economics is general."2 This is a very important observation. While each financial crisis is unique in terms of its causes and the types of assets that it engulfs, the conditions that led to it are always driven by human irrationality and hubris. Financial busts are preceded by financial bubbles. The current bust was preceded by a debt bubble whose unique manifestations were debt securitization and credit derivatives. Underlying these novel debt structures were the human emotions of greed and fear that led to abuses by even the most sophisticated individuals and most highly respected institutions in the market. While these human attributes are the most difficult to legislate, their ability to wreak havoc is clear evidence that they must be regulated in a thoughtful way. Recently, former New York Federal Reserve Governor Gerald Corrigan led a group of market experts that released a report entitled Containing Market Risk: The Road to Reform, The Report of CRMPG III (Corrigan III) (August 6, 2008). In that report, Mr. Corrigan and his colleagues wrote the following very wise words: "The fact that financial excesses fundamentally grow out of human behavior is a sobering reality especially in an environment of intense competition between large integrated financial intermediaries which, on the upside of the cycle, fosters risk taking and on the downside, fosters risk aversion. It is this sobering reality that has, for centuries, given rise to universal recognition that finance and financial institutions must be subject to a higher degree of official oversight and regulation than is deemed necessary for virtually all other forms of commercial enterprise." What is lacking from the public debate is a serious understanding of the difference between treating the symptoms of the crisis and trying to cure the disease. The disease is a total loss of confidence in the American model of debt-engorged free enterprise, and American economic and political leadership. The cure is regaining that confidence. In his new book, economic consultant David M. Smick writes, "the survival of the world financial system depends on an elaborate confidence game. The size of the financial markets, relative to the governments, has become so monstrously huge there is no other means of maintaining stability than to establish a psychology of confidence. The governments themselves cannot by edict restore order. They can only project to the markets a sense that they know what they're doing."3 What Henry Paulson and Ben Bernanke are desperately trying to explain to Congress is that America's leadership must immediately restore the world's confidence in American economic and political leadership. But the Paulson Plan was generated under impossible conditions. Were it to succeed, the best that could be expected at this point is a slow revival of the credit system. To hope for more is sheer folly. It is a certainty that America, and then the rest of the world behind it, is going to experience a severe recession the likes of which it hasn't seen for decades. Frankly, HCM can't see any way that such a slowdown can be avoided, although HCM has some ideas on how to begin to work out of it. Moreover, if by some miracle it were to be avoided, it would merely delay the inevitable purging of the psychological and financial excesses that have been piling up in our economic system over the past thirty years. One of the problems plaguing America is that we have become so frightened of short-term pain that we are willing to risk incalculable long-term suffering. Any plan that treats the symptom (the loss of confidence) and not the disease (the underlying problems that caused the loss of confidence) will not solve the real problem. At one point during the bailout negotiations, Henry Paulson was seen genuflecting at the feet of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, a fitting emblem of just how far the credibility of the Bush Administration has fallen.4 Earlier policy blunders are now haunting a lame-duck Administration. The Paulson Plan is being pushed with the same kind of urgency that pushed the U.S. to invade Iraq, and the President has no more weapons of mass destruction to sell. There are legitimate fears that anything approaching the Paulson Plan, like the Iraq War, will get quickly bogged down in the complexities and contingencies that will be encountered on the battlefield. Despite the cries of pain from the credit markets, HCM has never believed that the world would spin off its axis if a deal is not rushed to completion in the next few days. A bad deal would be worse than no deal at all. There is one practical problem that will plague the Paulson Plan and any plan that involves the government purchasing distressed assets from financial institutions. These assets are NOT(!!!) accurately valued on the books of financial institutions.5 Accordingly, these institutions are not in a position to sell them to the government at current fair market value. Any sales at current market value would inflict huge losses on these institutions. The alternative is for the government to grossly overpay for these assets, which would constitute a disguised capital infusion into these firms that would short-change the American taxpayer. This flaw in the plan is why members of Congress from both sides of the aisle insisted on some kind of profit-sharing structure that would compensate taxpayers in the event the government pays above-market prices for assets. HCM fears that very little of the $700 billion is going to be spent in the near future because of the reluctance of banks to part with assets at anywhere near their current value, and the government's reluctance to overpay for these assets. HCM views the Paulson Plan as a matter of form over substance. The details of how the plan will work are ultimately less important than whether the plan succeeds in rebuilding market confidence. In order to be successful, the Paulson Plan needs to be followed up by comprehensive regulatory reform that accomplishes the goals of convincing the public that the financial system will be fairer in the future than it has been in the past (i.e. that the gains will be spread more equitably and that failure will not be rewarded) and that strong steps will be taken to prevent the oversights that led to the current instability from being repeated. An Alternative Bailout Plan A successful plan must address the following elements: Confidence: It must restore market confidence by convincing both Wall Street and Main Street that the government will stand behind the mortgage obligations that are the weakest part of the financial system. Time: It must provide time for financial institutions to earn profits that can be used to absorb future losses on bad mortgage paper. The primary way financial institutions make money is by borrowing money at one rate and lending it out at a higher rate. The cost of money for financial institutions must be lowered immediately. Prevention: It must convince both the American people and the global community that the regulatory lapses that allowed this disaster to occur will not happen again, and that the system will be fairer in the future. This is closely tied to the issue of restoring confidence in the markets as well as in American economic and political leadership. The government's plan must restore market confidence, give companies the time to heal their balance sheets, and prevent a recurrence of the most abject series of regulatory lapses in the history of Western financial markets. For the sake of contributing to the public debate, which will continue even after the initial plan is adopted by Congress, HCM suggests that the government move ahead with the following measures in an effort to restore order and stability to the global credit and financial markets: The HCM Bailout Plan The government should announce that it will effectively stand behind the U.S. financial system against failure through some sort of guarantee or insurance program. The government has already done this with respect to money market assets. Mark-to-market accounting for financial institutions should be suspended for an indefinite period. Since nobody knows what these assets are worth, we should not drive the system into insolvency trying to place a value on assets that nobody is willing to purchase at the current time. The Federal Reserve should reduce the overnight interest rate by 75 basis points immediately. This will allow financial institutions to begin to earn more on their assets, which will begin the process of rebuilding their balance sheets. The Securities and Exchange Commission should announce the formation of a study group that will report back no later than December 31, 2008 on a comprehensive regime for regulating the credit default swap market. As noted above, HCM is concerned that the plan to purchase mortgage assets from financial institutions will not produce the intended results because of the difficulty of reaching agreement on price without inflicting too much further damage on the sellers' balance sheets. That is why we favor a guarantee or insurance program rather than the Paulson proposal. Will The Paulson Plan Work? The American taxpayer is going to suffer economically whether the Paulson Plan, or some variation on it, is passed or not. HCM does not believe for a second that taxpayers will profit from this bailout as some prominent commentators are arguing. The assets that are clogging bank balance sheets are highly complex and illiquid, and the time required for them to return to any reasonable value will consume their recovery value in present value terms. Nonetheless, voices considered wiser than ours are touting the plan as a good deal for the American taxpayer. Bill Gross of PIMCO, for example, has argued that taxpayers could profit from the $700 billion plan put forth by the Bush Administration. According to Barron's, Mr. Gross "estimates that the average price of distressed mortgage debt that will pass from troubled financial institutions to Treasury will be about 65 cents on the dollar, representing about a one third loss for the seller from face amount. Financed at 3% to 4% by the sale of Treasury debt, Treasury will be in a position to earn a positive carry, or yield spread, of at least 7% to 8% on the purchases, even after taking into account severe assumptions of default rates and foreclosure recoveries."6 Mr. Gross to his great credit has offered PIMCO's services to the government gratis in this endeavor (provided his competitors do the same). In PIMCO's hands, he argues, the government will get a fair deal for the assets it buys. "'The prices that Treasury will get will be somewhere between par, which of course might screw the taxpayer, and a fire sale price of, say, 20 cents on the dollar, which would likely bankrupt some weak institutions and defeat the purpose of the bailout.'" We think Mr. Gross is unduly optimistic from a couple of standpoints. First, he appears to be assuming that virtually all of the assets that the government will be purchasing will be AAA-rated mortgage securities, since these are the only mortgage securities trading remotely close to 65 cents on the dollar today. Unfortunately, many of the securities that are weighing down the balance sheets of financial institutions carry lower ratings, and many AAA-rated tranches are trading at well below 65 cents on the dollar today. (We would note that the Federal Reserve had already agreed to take onto its balance sheet much lower rated collateral, including equities, in order to support these same financial institutions.) Current trading prices may be unduly depressed by speculative shorting of the ABX indices as well as crisis conditions in the marketplace, but by all accounts AAA-rated tranches of 2006 and 2007 vintage collateralized mortgage obligations are deeply distressed due to inordinately high levels of defaults in the underlying pools of mortgages. While current prices may reflect unrealistically pessimistic projections of future mortgage defaults, the fact remains today's prices are today's prices. If the government pays more for these securities, it will be giving the seller a windfall. Mr. Gross's scenario glosses over this dilemma, which lies at the heart of why the Paulson Plan is unlikely to yield rapid progress in moving troubled assets off bank balance sheets. Second, we have yet to see the non-financial economy bear the full brunt of the collapse of the financial economy. Main Street is only starting to pay for the sins of Wall Street. The stock market remains in deep denial about the scope and depth of the economic slowdown this country is about to face. As the consequences of tighter credit seep into the mainstream of the American economy, there is every reason to expect that mortgage default rates will rise and home prices will continue to fall, further depressing the value of the mortgage securities that the government is supposed to be purchasing under the Paulson Plan. We wish we could share Mr. Gross's optimism, but we question whether deep in his heart he isn't trying to use his bully pulpit to talk up the market. Japan Redux? One of the tough questions that deserve to be asked in the wake of the U.S. government's bailout of the U.S. finance industry is whether American prosperity of the 1990s and 2000s was as illusory as Japanese prosperity of the 1980s? Just as Japan's prosperity was based on a rigged economic system constructed out of a cheap currency, cross-ownership of institutions and a non­mark-to-market accounting system, America's recent prosperity was also built on a cheap dollar, a non-mark-to-market accounting system, and an addiction to debt. While this comparison can be debated endlessly, and will likely be the subject of many scholarly articles and books, the real question is whether the United States will suffer anything like the "lost decade" that haunted Japan (actually, it has been almost two "lost decades"). There are significant differences between Japan and the United States (the most troubling, perhaps, being that Americans do not possess nearly the savings that the Japanese did entering their difficulties), but the question will gain more attention in the coming months. While it is too soon to make any judgments that far into the future, America is certain to see very slow economic growth in the immediate future. The world's only superpower may see its first trillion dollar deficit within the next couple of years, although Washington will try to dress up the number to keep it under thirteen figures (an unlucky number in too many ways to count). That alone should be sufficient to knock down American hegemony a further peg or two. Such a deficit will contribute to a further debasement of the U.S. dollar against Asian currencies and the Swiss franc. The primary reason why economic growth is going to be sluggish is that credit is going to be strictly rationed for the foreseeable future, which means that only the most creditworthy borrowers will be able to access capital at a reasonable cost. Companies that need capital will be the ones that find capital most difficult and expensive to access. This means that many companies will have to pay exorbitant rates to borrow, and many highly leveraged companies that have to borrow will be forced into bankruptcy or capital restructurings in order to do so. Many leveraged companies are already drawing down their revolving credit lines before their banks withdraw them. General Motors was the most prominent company to have done this recently, but HCM is seeing this occur throughout the corporate credit market. American Oligarchy One of the most discouraging parts of the debate over the Paulson Plan was the discussion about limiting executive compensation for those firms that might benefit from the plan. While trying to help rebuild confidence in American capitalism, Mssrs. Paulson and Bernanke tried to convince Congress that bank executives would prevent their institutions from participating in the bailout if it meant that their compensation would be capped. One would think, as the financial system teeters on the brink of collapse, that the Secretary of the Treasury and the Chairman of the Federal Reserve could make a more persuasive argument than one that poses the likelihood that corporate executives would knowingly violate their fiduciary duty and refuse to participate in a plan to rescue the financial system because it might limit their compensation. If troubled financial institutions are going to be run by individuals who would conduct themselves in such a manner, there isn't much hope that any plan is going to work. The mentality that led two of our best and brightest public officials to attempt to defend the kind of avaricious conduct that played a central role in the current crisis is something that must be changed if we are to avoid future market crises.7 This brings HCM to two related areas that need to be legislated immediately: financial institution leverage; and the taxation of highly compensated financial executives. There is a point when free enterprise tips over into a degree of economic and social inequality that is politically unacceptable, and the United States has reached that point. HCM is well aware that its views on this topic genuinely anger many of its readers, but this is an issue that must be addressed as an essential component of any program that will return confidence to the financial system. Free market economic policies, in particular tax policies, have led to the creation of an American oligarchy whose wealth and power is excessive. While not as pernicious as the oligarchy that rose from the ruins of the Soviet Union and now lords over Russia and spends its money garishly over the world, an American oligarchy has unduly benefitted from ill-advised tax and economic policies and must be reigned in as a sign to Main Street that the game will no longer be rigged against it. We do not believe it is presumptuous to state that the debate over whether Wall Street firms were too leveraged is over. The decision by Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley has decidedly ended the leveraged investment banking model that brought down Bear Stearns, Lehman Brothers and Merrill Lynch. The profits that Wall Street generated over the past few years were not the result of some new-found genius in the executive suites, but were merely the product of adding unprecedented amounts of leverage to balance sheets. Unfortunately, compensation schemes did not take into account the fact that adding leverage is far different than adding value (i.e. compensation schemes were not properly risk-adjusted). As a result, compensation structures for these executives were largely asymmetrical, particularly with respect to the portion of their pay that was distributed in cash. Multimillion dollar cash payments for profits earned in a single year were not subject to being repaid if losses in later years wiped out those earlier profits. Too much cash exited these firms each year in the form of compensation, significantly weakening their capital bases. Fortunately, a significant amount of compensation was also paid in stock, which did not weaken these firms' balance sheets but still failed to instill sufficient caution in management when it came to assuming balance sheet risk. In addition to the gargantuan amounts of compensation being paid out, the taxes paid on these amounts continued to drop over recent years. This is a result not only of reduced taxes on capital gains and dividends, which are only good economic policy up to a point, but on tax deferral schemes and other aggressive tax stances taken by corporate, private equity and hedge fund executives to reduce their taxes to unconscionably low levels.8 Private equity managers, for example, are able to treat their "carried interests" as capital gains and pay taxes at only a 15% rate. Yet these earnings are no less the product of their labor than a teacher's or a policeman's earnings are a result of his or hers. Last year, several private equity billionaires actually had the gall to lobby on Capitol Hill to retain the 15 percent tax rate on their "carried earnings." These individuals argued that if their taxes were raised, they would no longer be willing to take the kinds of business risks that lead to new job formation and economic growth. Attempts to require these over-indulged [fill in the blank]9 to pay the same taxes on their income as ordinary Americans were derailed in what must go down as one of the most cynical lobbying efforts in history. It would be one thing if private equity firms were funding innovation and job creation, but in the last few years they have done little more than use cheap financing to engage in speculative transactions that generate fees for themselves and what are going to turn out to be at best mediocre returns for their investors. Hedge fund managers play their own games. The most popular tax reduction technique among this crowd is the formation of offshore trusts that enable them to defer their management and performance fees for periods as long as ten years. A ten year deferral of taxes reduces the effective tax rate paid on these managers' already huge earnings to virtually zero on a present value basis while they continue to enjoy the ability to profit from investments in America's (once) free markets. This tax deferral scheme, which comes in a number of variations, further separates the interests of those hedge fund investors who are paying taxes on their income from those of managers who are not. (Of course, investors don't mind as long as they are making money. Investors never mind as long as they are making money. That's the problem.) As one memorable television commercial put it, "it's not what you earn, it's what you keep." And hedge fund managers have figured out how to keep virtually everything for themselves. Now that the bloom has come off the rose for many hedge fund strategies, investors are going to discover just how one-sided was the deal they made with their managers. Redemption requests from hedge funds are expected to reach epic levels this year, yet many investors are going to be greeted with the unhappy news that they can't get their money back right now (or anytime soon) because it is stuck in illiquid, hard-to-value investments. Others will be told that it would be unwise for their funds to liquidate positions to meet redemptions in the middle of a financial crisis, failing to be informed of the likelihood that many of these securities will most likely be worth less in the future. Fairly taxing the upper 1/10 of 1 percent isn't going to plug the gaping U.S. budget deficit, but it will go a long way to returning a sense of fairness to a system that has lost its moral compass. Footnotes: 1 Thomas S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962), p. 111. 2 Charles Kindleberger, Manias, Panics and Crashes A History of Financial Crises (New York: Basic Books, 1989), p. 16. This book should be required reading in Congress. 3 David M. Smick, The World Is Curved (New York: Penguin Group (USA) Inc., 2008), p. 23. Not that we need more things to worry about, but Mr. Smick also makes a compelling case for why we should be concerned about China's future economic stability in the near future. 4 According to The New York Times, September 26, 2008 ("Day of Chaos Grips Washington; Fate of Bailout Plan Unresolved", p. A1)"[i]n the Roosevelt Room after the session, the Treasury secretary, Henry M. Paulsen, Jr., literally bent on one knee as he pleaded with Nancy Pelosi, the House speaker, not to withdraw her party's support for the package over what Ms. Pelosi derided as a Republican betrayal." Nothing else has worked, so why not try this? 5 Although in fairness all the blame for this can't be placed on these institutions. There is currently no market for many of these assets and placing a value on them would be an arbitrary exercise. This is why mark-to-market accounting should be suspended for an indefinite period of time. 6 Barron's, September 29, 2008, "Making A Mint," p. 30. 7 There were unconfirmed media reports late last week that certain Wall Street firms were marketing products to hedge funds that were designed to avoid the restrictions on short selling that were imposed by the Securities and Exchange Commission. Whatever one thinks of the short-selling restrictions, which were far from optimal, the prospect of financial institutions trying to circumvent them suggests that even the biggest financial crisis since the Depression has been insufficient to instill good judgment into some of those in positions of responsibility on Wall Street. Anti-fraud rules are designed, among other things, to prevent individuals from doing indirectly what they can't do directly. Gaming the short-selling restrictions would be a perfect opportunity to teach somebody a lesson that there are things more important in this life than making money. 8 It would not seem unreasonable, particularly during a period when the government is going to be starved for revenue, to impose a higher capital gains tax of 20% or 25% at significantly higher levels of gain, so that a taxpayer would pay 15% on the first $1 or $2 million of gain and the higher rate on gains over that amount. In general, however, lower capital gains rates stimulate economic growth and should be maintained. Dividend tax rates should be maintained at very low levels since these earnings are already taxed once at the corporate level. 9 HCM always likes to identify cultural images that capture the spirit of the times. There is currently an exhibition of modern sculpture called "Beyond the Limits" being held in the gardens of Chatsworth House, home to the Duke and Duchess of Devonshire, in England. One of the works on display is entitled "Planet" by Marc Quinn; it is a giant white sculpture of a baby lying/floating on its side. "Planet," which belongs more to the category of stunt or spectacle than art, seems to be a perfect emblem of these private equity chieftains groveling for tax relief from our elected officials (although the baby is not sucking its thumb). To view "Planet" on-line, see www.chatsworth.org. John F. Mauldin johnmauldin@investorsinsight.com You are currently subscribed as jmiller2000@verizon.net. To unsubscribe, go here. Reproductions. If you would like to reproduce any of John Mauldin's E-Letters or commentary, you must include the source of your quote and the following email address: JohnMauldin@InvestorsInsight.com. Please write to Reproductions@InvestorsInsight.com and inform us of any reproductions including where and when the copy will be reproduced. John Mauldin is the President of Millennium Wave Advisors, LLC (MWA) which is an investment advisory firm registered with multiple states. John Mauldin is a registered representative of Millennium Wave Securities, LLC, (MWS) an FINRA registered broker-dealer. MWS is also a Commodity Pool Operator (CPO) and a Commodity Trading Advisor (CTA) registered with the CFTC, as well as an Introducing Broker (IB). Millennium Wave Investments is a dba of MWA LLC and MWS LLC. Millennium Wave Investments cooperates in the consulting on and marketing of private investment offerings with other independent firms such as Altegris Investments; Absolute Return Partners, LLP; Pro-Hedge Funds; and Plexus Asset Management. All material presented herein is believed to be reliable but we cannot attest to its accuracy. Investment recommendations may change and readers are urged to check with their investment counselors before making any investment decisions. Opinions expressed in these reports may change without prior notice. John Mauldin and/or the staffs at Millennium Wave Advisors, LLC and InvestorsInsight Publishing, Inc. ("InvestorsInsight") may or may not have investments in any funds cited above. PAST RESULTS ARE NOT INDICATIVE OF FUTURE RESULTS. THERE IS RISK OF LOSS AS WELL AS THE OPPORTUNITY FOR GAIN WHEN INVESTING IN MANAGED FUNDS. WHEN CONSIDERING ALTERNATIVE INVESTMENTS, INCLUDING HEDGE FUNDS, YOU SHOULD CONSIDER VARIOUS RISKS INCLUDING THE FACT THAT SOME PRODUCTS: OFTEN ENGAGE IN LEVERAGING AND OTHER SPECULATIVE INVESTMENT PRACTICES THAT MAY INCREASE THE RISK OF INVESTMENT LOSS, CAN BE ILLIQUID, ARE NOT REQUIRED TO PROVIDE PERIODIC PRICING OR VALUATION INFORMATION TO INVESTORS, MAY INVOLVE COMPLEX TAX STRUCTURES AND DELAYS IN DISTRIBUTING IMPORTANT TAX INFORMATION, ARE NOT SUBJECT TO THE SAME REGULATORY REQUIREMENTS AS MUTUAL FUNDS, OFTEN CHARGE HIGH FEES, AND IN MANY CASES THE UNDERLYING INVESTMENTS ARE NOT TRANSPARENT AND ARE KNOWN ONLY TO THE INVESTMENT MANAGER. Communications from InvestorsInsight are intended solely for informational purposes. Statements made by various authors, advertisers, sponsors and other contributors do not necessarily reflect the opinions of InvestorsInsight, and should not be construed as an endorsement by InvestorsInsight, either expressed or implied. InvestorsInsight is not responsible for typographic errors or other inaccuracies in the content. We believe the information contained herein to be accurate and reliable. However, errors may occasionally occur. Therefore, all information and materials are provided "AS IS" without any warranty of any kind. Past results are not indicative of future results. We encourage readers to review our complete legal and privacy statements on our home page. InvestorsInsight Publishing, Inc. -- 14900 Landmark Blvd #350, Dallas, Texas 75254 © InvestorsInsight Publishing, Inc. 2007 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

Never Pay Too Much for Insurance Again

 

NEVER

PAY TOO MUCH

FOR

AUTO INSURANCE

 

This email was sent by TSG SAFguard LLC, 11470 Euclid Avenue - 525, Cleveland, Ohio 44106.

You can unsubscribe from this mailing list at any time by emailing us.

 

 

September 26, 2008

Making a Deal with the Devil

Just yesterday, Henry Paulson's "bailout" bill, with only a few anti-Wall Street, pro-Main Street fig leaves slapped on by Democrats, appeared ready to sail through Congress on a bi-partisan tide. But something funny happened on the way to the printing press. It appears as if some conservative House Republicans are reluctant to sell their souls and ditch any remaining pretense towards American-style capitalism.

What's left of the Barry Goldwater wing of the Republican Party, which maintains its natural tendency to trust the markets and not government, has dug in its heels. But, Bush, Paulson and the Democrats have argued that our problems are so dire that free enterprise principles must go out the window. The struggle is historic, but the Congressmen are fighting a losing battle. Sadly, Americans now appear willing to abandon their economic heritage at the first sting of financial pain.

Although passage does seem inevitable, it is nevertheless the wrong thing to do. Central government planning did not work in the Soviet Union and it will not work here. Only free market forces are capable of sorting through the mess. Political meddling will make the problems worse.

In selling the bill to Americans, many are pointing to the Resolution Trust Corporation as an example of similar intervention that worked in the past. However, there is no proof that RTC actually helped as we have no way of knowing what might have happened had the government stayed out.

Missing in this discussion is that the Savings & Loan crisis of the 1980's, much like the current crisis, was a byproduct of government interference in the free market. By insuring bank deposits through the FDIC, the government created a moral hazard that resulted in extreme risk taking among member banks, whose depositors sought only high yields, without any regard for the risks that the banks were incurring. Banks that refused to take big risks lost deposits to those banks that did. Absent FDIC insurance, depositors would have considered risks as well as rewards, and the S & L crisis never would have happened in the first place!

The urgency for passing this bailout bill is based on the claim that the American economy will collapse if nothing is done. If the government were to stay out, and allow the market to function, there will certainly be a great deal of economic pain. Companies will go bankrupt, banks will fail, real estate and stock prices will keep falling, and many people will lose their jobs. However, government action will not prevent any of this. At best, it will merely delay the inevitable, but only at the cost of increasing the severity of the underlying problems, thus making their ultimate resolution that much more painful to endure.

The bottom line is that there is no way to resolve our economic problems without a severe recession, and our politicians need to level with the public. As a nation, we gambled on the alluring riches of real estate and we lost. The price must be paid. Contrary to the Bush Administration rhetoric, the fundamentals of our economy are not sound. If they were, we would not be in this mess. Recessions are meant to restore balance, purge excess, and liquidate mal-investments. On that score we have a lot of work to do.

We are being told that this plan will help the economy by keeping the spigots of consumer credit flowing. However, to really address the fundamental problems, those spigots must be tightened. Since we have already borrowed and spent ourselves into bankruptcy, the last thing we need is for consumers to borrow more.

Our leaders maintain that without this bailout consumers will not be able to borrow money to buy cars. So what is wrong with that? We already have plenty of cars, and if we are broke, why do we need to buy more? Instead, we need drive our old cars longer, pay off our underwater auto loans, and produce more cars for export. It is also argued that without access to credit parents will not be able to borrow money to send their kids to school. That's fine by me as it will force Universities to reduce tuitions to levels families can actually afford. They will either have to cut out all of that bureaucratic fat, or go out of business for lack of customers.

In the end it is impossible for the American economy to be rebuilt on a sounder foundation of savings and production without a lot of economic pain. Government efforts to reinforce the shaky foundation of borrowing and consuming will result in the entire structure falling down around us.

For a more in depth analysis of our financial problems and the inherent dangers they pose for the U.S. economy and U.S. dollar denominated investments, read my new book "Crash Proof: How to Profit from the Coming Economic Collapse."

Fw: Who's Afraid of a Big, Bad Bailout? - John Mauldin's Weekly E-Letter

 

From: John Mauldin

Sent: Saturday, September 27, 2008 3:12 AM

To: jmiller2000@verizon.net

Subject: Who's Afraid of a Big, Bad Bailout? - John Mauldin's Weekly E-Letter

This message was sent to jmiller2000@verizon.net.
Send to a Friend | Print Article | View as PDF | Permissions/Reprints
Thoughts from the Frontline Weekly Newsletter Who's Afraid of a Big, Bad Bailout? by John Mauldin September 26, 2008
In this issue: Who's Afraid of a Big, Bad Bailout? It's the End of the World As We Know It The TED Spread Flashes Trouble The Transmission Mechanism Let's Make a Deal Colorado, California, London, and Sweden
"A tournament, a tournament, a tournament of lies. Offer me solutions, offer me alternatives and I decline. It's the end of the world as we know it and I feel fine. (It's time I had some time alone.)" - Lyrics from R.E.M., 1987 Flying last Tuesday, overnight from Cape Town in South Africa to London, I read in the Financial Times that Republican Congressman Joe Barton of Texas was quoted as saying (this is from memory, so it is not exact) that he had difficulty voting for a bailout plan when none of his constituents could understand the need to bail out Wall Street, didn't understand the problem, and were against spending $700 billion of taxpayer money to solve a crisis for a bunch of (rich) people who took a lot of risk and created the crisis. That is a sentiment that many of the Republican members of the House share. As it happens, I know Joe. My office is in his congressional district. I sat on the Executive Committee for the Texas Republican Party representing much of the same district for eight years. This week, Thoughts from the Frontline will be an open letter to Joe, and through him to Congress, telling him what the real financial problem is and how it affects his district, helping explain the problem to his constituents , and explaining why he has to hold his nose with one hand and vote for a bailout with the other. Just for the record, Joe has been in Congress for 24 years. He is the ranking Republican on the Energy and Commerce Committee, which is one of the three most important committees and is usually considered in the top five of Republican House leadership. He is quite conservative and has been a very good and effective congressman. I have known Joe for a long time and consider him a friend. He has been my Congressman at times, depending on where they draw the line. I called his senior aide and asked him how the phone calls were going. It is at least ten to one against supporting this bill, and that is probably typical of the phones all across this country. People are angry, and with real justification. And watching the debates, it reminds us that one should never look at how sausages and laws are made. It is a very messy process. I think what follows is as good a way as any to explain the crisis we are facing this weekend. This letter will print out a little longer, because there are a lot of charts, but the word length is about the same. Let's jump right in. It's the End of the World As We Know It Dear Joe, I understand your reluctance to vote for a bill that 90% of the people who voted for you are against. That is generally not good politics. They don't understand why taxpayers should spend $700 billion to bail out rich guys on Wall Street who are now in trouble. And if I only got my information from local papers and news sources, I would probably agree. But the media (apart from CNBC) has simply not gotten this story right. It is not just a crisis on Wall Street. Left unchecked, this will morph within a few weeks to a crisis on Main Street. What I want to do is describe the nature of the crisis, how this problem will come home to your district, and what has to be done to avert a true, full-blown depression, where the ultimate cost will be far higher to the taxpayers than $700 billion. And let me say that my mail is not running at 10 to 1 against, but it is really high. I am probably going to make a lot of my regular readers mad, but they need to hear what is really happening on the front lines of the financial world. First, let's stop calling this a bailout plan. It is not. It is an economic stabilization plan. Run properly, it might even make the taxpayers some money. If it is not enacted very soon (Monday would be fine), the losses to businesses and investors and homeowners all over the US (and the world) will be enormous. Unemployment will jump to rates approaching 10%, at a minimum. How did all this come to pass? Why is it so dire? Let's rewind the tape a bit. We all know about the subprime crisis. That's part of the problem, as banks and institutions are now having to write off a lot of bad loans. The second part of the problem is a little more complex. Because we were running a huge trade deficit, countries all over the world were selling us goods and taking our dollars. They in turn invested those excess dollars in US bonds, helping to drive down interest rates. It became easy to borrow money at low rates. Banks, and what Paul McCulley properly called the Shadow Banking System, used that ability to borrow and dramatically leverage up those bad loans (when everyone thought they were good), as it seemed like easy money. They created off-balance-sheet vehicles called Structured Investment Vehicles (SIVs) and put loans and other debt into them. They then borrowed money on the short-term commercial paper market to fund the SIVs and made as profit the difference between the low short-term rates of commercial paper and the higher long-term rates on the loans in the SIV. And if a little leverage was good, why not use a lot of leverage and make even more money? Everyone knew these were AAA-rated securities. And then the music stopped. It became evident that some of these SIVs contained subprime debt and other risky loans. Investors stopped buying the commercial paper of these SIVs. Large banks were basically forced to take the loans and other debt in the SIVs back onto their balance sheets last summer as the credit crisis started. Because of a new accounting rule (called FASB 157), banks had to mark their illiquid investments to the most recent market price of a similar security that actually had a trade. Over $500 billion has been written off so far, with credible estimates that there might be another $500 billion to go. That means these large banks have to get more capital, and it also means they have less to lend. (More on the nature of these investments in a few paragraphs.) Banks can lend to consumers and investors about 12 times their capital base. If they have to write off 20% of their capital because of losses, that means they either have to sell more equity or reduce their loan portfolios. As an example, for every $1,000 of capital, a bank can loan $12,000 (more or less). If they have to write off 20% ($200), they either have to sell stock to raise their capital back to $1,000 or reduce their loan portfolio by $2,400. Add some zeroes to that number and it gets to be huge. And that is what is happening. At first, banks were able to raise new capital. But now, many banks are finding it very difficult to raise money, and that means they have to reduce their loan portfolios. We'll come back to this later. But now, let's look at what is happening today. Basically, the credit markets have stopped functioning. Because banks and investors and institutions are having to deleverage, that means they need to sell assets at whatever prices they can get in order to create capital to keep their loan-to-capital ratios within the regulatory limits. Remember, part of this started when banks and investors and funds used leverage (borrowed money) to buy more assets. Now, the opposite is happening. They are having to sell assets into a market that does not have the ability to borrow money to buy them. And because the regulators require them to sell whatever they can, the prices for some of these assets are ridiculously low. Let me offer a few examples. Today, there are many municipal bonds that were originally sold to expire 10-15 years from now. But projects finished early and the issuers wanted to pay them off. However, the bonds often have a minimum time before they can be called. So, issuers simply buy US Treasuries and put them into the bond, to be used when the bond can be called. Now, for all intents and purposes this is a US government bond which has the added value of being tax-free. I had a friend, John Woolway, send me some of the bid and ask prices for these type of bonds. One is paying two times what a normal US Treasury would pay. Another is paying 291% of a normal US Treasury. And it is tax-free! Why would anyone sell what is essentially a US treasury bond for a discount? Because they are being forced to sell, and no one is buying! The credit markets are frozen. Last week, I wrote about a formerly AAA-rated residential mortgage-backed security (RMBS) composed of Alt-A loans, better than subprime but less than prime. About 5% of the loans were delinquent, and there are no high-risk option ARMs in the security. It is offered at 70 cents on the dollar. If you bought that security, you would be making well over 12% on your money, and 76% of the loans in the portfolio of that security would have to default and lose over 50% of their value before you would risk even one penny. Yet the bank which is being forced to sell that loan has had to write down its value. As I wrote then, that is pricing in financial Armageddon. (You can read the full details here.) Let's look at the following graph. It is an index of AAA-rated mortgage bonds, created by www.markit.com. It is composed of RMBSs similar to the one I described above. Institutions buy and sell this index as a way to hedge their portfolios. It is also a convenient way for an accounting firm to get a price for a mortgage-backed security in a client bank's portfolio. With the introduction of the new FASB 157 accounting rule, accountants are very aggressive about making banks mark their debt down, as they do not want to be sued if there is a problem. Notice this index shows that bonds that were initially AAA are now trading at 53 cents on the dollar, which is up from 42.5 cents two months ago. Accountants might look at the bond I described above, look at this index, and decide to tell their clients to mark the bonds down to $.53 on the dollar. The bank is offering the bond at $.70 because it knows there is quality in the security. They are being forced to sell. And guess what? There are no buyers. An almost slam-dunk 12% total-return security with loss-coverage provisions that suggest 40% of the loans could default and lose 50% before your interest rate yields even suffered, let alone risk to your principal – and it can't find a buyer. One of the real reasons these and thousands of other good bonds are not selling now is that there is real panic in the markets. The oldest money market fund "broke the buck" last week, because they had exposure to Lehman Brothers bonds. We are seeing massive flights of capital from money market funds, including by large institutions concerned about their capital. What are they buying? Short-term Treasury bills. Three-month Treasury bills are down to 0.84%. It gets worse. Last week one-month Treasury bills were paying a negative 1%!!! That means some buyers were so panicked that they were willing to buy a bond for $1 that promised to pay them back only $.99 in just one month. The rate is at 0.16% today. If something is not done this weekend, it could go a lot lower over the next few days. That is panic, Joe. I don't want to name names, as this letter goes to about 1.5 million people and I don't want to make problems for some fine banking names; but there is a silent bank run going on. There are no lines in the street, but it is a run nevertheless. It is large investment funds and corporations quietly pulling their money from some of the best banks in the country. They can do this simply by pushing a button. We are watching deposit bases fall. It does not take long. Lehman saw $400 billion go in just a few months this summer. Think about that number. Any whiff of a problem and an institution that is otherwise sound could be brought low in a matter of weeks. And the FDIC could end up with a large loss that seemed to have come from out of nowhere. The TED Spread Flashes Trouble There is something called the TED spread, which is the difference between three-month LIBOR (the London Inter Bank Offered Rate which is in euro dollars, also called The Euro Dollar Spread, thus TED) and three-month US Treasury bills. Three-month LIBOR is basically what banks charge each other to borrow money. Many mortgages and investments are based on various periods of LIBOR. Look at the chart below. Typically the TED spread is 50 basis points (0.50%) or less. When it spikes up, it is evidence of distress in the financial markets. The last time the TED spread was as high as it is now was right before the market crash of 1987. This is a weekly chart, which does not capture tonight's (Friday) change, which would make it look even worse. Quite literally, the TED spread is screaming panic. The Fed has lowered rates to 2%. Typically, three-month LIBOR tracks pretty close to whatever the Fed funds rate is. Starting with the credit crisis last year, that began to change. Look at the chart below. Remember, LIBOR is what banks charge to each other to make loans. Lower rates are supposed to help banks improve their capital and their ability to make loans at lower interest rates to businesses and consumers. Look at what has happened in the past few weeks, in the chart above. The spread between three-month LIBOR and the Fed funds rate is almost 200 basis points, or 2%! That is something that defies imagination to market observers. On the chart above, it looks like it has not moved that much, but in the trading desks of banks all over the world it is a heart-pounding, scare-you-to-death move. The chart below reflects what traders have seen in the past two weeks, and it moved up more today. Now let's look at the next chart. This is the amount of Tier 1 commercial paper issued. This is the life blood of the business world. This is how many large and medium-sized businesses finance their day-to-day operations. The total amount of commercial paper issued is down about 15% from a year ago, with half of that drop coming in the last few weeks. Quite literally, the economic body is hemorrhaging. Unless something is done, businesses all over the US are going to wake up in a few weeks and find they simply cannot transact business as usual. This is going to put a real crimp in all sorts of business we think of as being very far from Wall Street. I could go on. Credit spreads on high-yield bonds that many of our best high-growth businesses use to finance their growth are blowing out to levels which make it impossible for the companies to come to the market for new funds. And that is even if they could find investors in this market! There are lots of other examples (solid corporate loans selling at big discounts, asset-backed securities at discounts, etc.), but you get the idea. Suffice it to say that the current climate in the financial market is the worst since the 1930s. But how does a crisis in the financial markets affect businesses and families in Arlington, Texas, where my office and half of your district is? The Transmission Mechanism The transmission in a car takes energy from the engine and transfers it to the wheels. Let's talk about how the transmission mechanism of the economy works. Let's start with our friend Dave Moritz down the street. He needs financing to be able to sell an automobile. To get those loans at good prices, an auto maker has to be able to borrow money and make the loans to Dave's customers. But if something does not stop the bleeding, it is going to get very expensive for GM to get money to make loans. That will make his cars more expensive to consumers. Cheap loans with small down payments are the life blood of the auto selling business. That is going to change dramatically unless something is done to stabilize the markets. Credit card debt is typically packaged and sold to investors like pension funds and insurance companies. But in today's environment, that credit card debt is going to have to pay a much higher price in order to find a buyer. That means higher interest rates. Further, because most of the large issuers of credit cards are struggling with their leverage, they are reducing the amount of credit card debt they will give their card holders. If they continue to have to write down mortgages on their books because of mark-to-market rules which price assets at the last fire-sale price, it will mean even more shrinkage in available credit. Try and sell a home above the loan limits of Fannie and Freddie today with a nonconforming jumbo loan. Try and find one that does not have very high rates, because many lenders who normally do them simply cannot afford to keep them on their balance sheets. And a subprime mortgage? Forget about it. This is going to get even worse if the financial markets melt down. We are in a recession. Unemployment is going to rise to well over 6%. Consumer spending is going to slow. This is an environment which normally means it is tougher for small businesses and consumers to get financing in any event. Congress or the Fed cannot repeal the business cycle. There are always going to be recessions. And we always get through them, because we have a dynamic economy that figures out how to get things moving again. Recessions are part of the normal business cycle. But it takes a major policy mistake by Congress or the Fed to create a depression. Allowing the credit markets to freeze would count as a major policy mistake. I have been on record for some time that the economy will go through a normal recession and a slow recovery, what I call a Muddle Through Economy. This week I met with executives of one of the larger hedge funds in the world. They challenged me on my Muddle Through stance. And I had to admit that my Muddle Through scenario is at risk if Congress does not act to stabilize the credit markets. Let's Make a Deal Why do we need this Stabilization Plan? Why can't the regular capital markets handle it? The reason is that the problem is simply too big for the market to deal with. It requires massive amounts of patient, long-term money to solve the problem. And the only source for that would be the US government. There is no reason for the taxpayer to lose money. Warren Buffett, Bill Gross of PIMCO, and my friend Andy Kessler have all said this could be done without the taxpayer losing money, and perhaps could even make a profit. As noted above, these bonds could be bought at market prices that would actually make a long-term buyer a profit. Put someone like Bill Gross in charge and let him make sure the taxpayers are buying value. This would re-liquefy the banks and help get their capital ratios back in line. Why are banks not lending to each other? Because they don't know what kind of assets are on each other's books. There is simply no trust. The Fed has had to step in and loan out hundreds of billions of dollars in order to keep the financial markets from collapsing. If you allow the banks to sell their impaired assets at a market-clearing fair price (not at the original price), then once the landscape is cleared, banks will decide they can start trusting each other. The commercial paper market will come back. Credit spreads will come down. Banks will be able to stabilize their loan portfolios and start lending again. Again, the US government is the only entity with enough size and patience to act. We do not have to bail out Wall Street. They will still take large losses on their securities, just not as large a loss as they are now facing in a credit market that is frozen. As noted above, there are many securities that are being marked down and sold far below a rational price. If we act now, we will start to see securitization of mortgages, credit cards, auto loans, and business loans so that the economy can begin to function properly. What happens if we walk away? Within a few weeks at most, financial markets will freeze even more. We will see electronic runs on major banks, and the FDIC will have more problems than you can possibly imagine. The TED spread and LIBOR will get much worse. Businesses which use the short-term commercial paper markets will start having problems rolling over their paper, forcing them to make difficult cuts in spending and employment. Larger businesses will find it more difficult to get loans and credit. That will have effects on down the economic food chain. Jim Cramer estimated today that without a plan of some type, we could see the Dow drop to 8300. That is as good a guess as any. It could be worse. Home valuations and sales will drop even further. The average voter? They will see stock market investments off another 25% at the least. Home prices will go down even more. Consumer spending will drop. What should be a run-of-the-mill recession becomes a deep recession or soft depression. Yes, that may be worst-case scenario. But that is the risk I think we take with inaction. A properly constructed Stabilization Plan hopefully avoids the worst-case scenario. It should ultimately not cost the taxpayer much, and maybe even return a profit. The AIG rescue that Paulson arranged is an example of how to do it right. My bet is that the taxpayer is going to make a real profit on this deal. We got 80% of AIG, with what is now a loan paying the taxpayer over 12%, plus almost $2 billion in upfront fees for doing the loan. That is not a bailout. That is a business deal that sounds like it was done by Mack the Knife. This deal needs to be done by Monday. Every day we wait will see more and more money fly out the doors of the banks, putting the FDIC at ever greater risk. Panic will start to set in, moving to ever smaller banks. Frankly, we are at the point where we need to consider raising the FDIC limits for all deposits for a period of time, until the Stabilization Plan quells the panic. I understand that this is a really, really bad idea according classical free-market economic theory. You know me; I am as free market as it comes. But I also know that without immediate action a lot of people are really going to be hurt. Unemployment is not a good thing. Losses on your home and investments hurt. It is all nice and well to talk about theories and contend the market should be allowed to sort itself out; and if we have a deep recession, then that is what is needed. But the risk we take is not a deep recession but a soft depression. The consequences of inaction are simply unthinkable. Joe, I am telling you that the markets are screaming panic. Yes, Senator Richard Shelby has his 200 economists saying this is a bad deal. But they are ivory tower kibitzers who have never sat at a trading desk. They have never tried to put a loan deal together or had to worry about commercial paper markets collapsing. I am talking daily with the people on the desks who are seeing what is really happening. Shelby's economists are armchair generals far from the front lines. I am talking to the foot soldiers who are on the front lines. Every sign of potential disaster is there. You and the rest of the House have to act. It has to be bipartisan. This should not be about politics (even though Barney Frank keeps talking bipartisan and then taking partisan shots, but I guess he just can't help himself). It should be about doing the right thing for our country and the world. I know it will not be fun coming back to the district. Talking about TED spreads and LIBOR will not do much to assuage voters who are angry. But it is the right thing to do. And I will be glad to come to the town hall meeting with you and help if you like. With your help, we will get through this. In a few years, things will be back to normal and we can all have stories to tell to our grandkids about how we lived through interesting times. But right now we have to act. Colorado, California, London, and Sweden It is time to hit the send button. This was personally a great week. For whatever reason, I did not suffer jet lag flying to South Africa for just two days, then overnight to London, and back the next day. It was a good trip. I will report more about South Africa in a later letter, but this e-letter is already a little long. I leave Sunday for a quick trip to Longmont, Colorado (near Boulder) to look at a very interesting technology company (InPhase) that makes holographic memory disks, with good friend Dr. Bart Stuck of Signal Lake Partners. I will be in San Diego and Orange County the 16th and 17th of October for back-to-back speeches, then I leave Sunday for London for two days and then on to Sweden for a conference and speeches there, a quick trip to Malta, and then back home, where I will be chained to my desk by daughter Tiffani as we do interviews and write a book. I do enjoy traveling from time to time, seeing the rest of the world. One of my secret pleasures is reading International Living and thinking about what it would be like to have another home somewhere. Cheap thrills. You can subscribe if you like by following this link. Have a great week. I fully believe (OK, deeply hope) that Congress will act. We can all breathe a collective sigh when they do. Your still believing in Muddle Through analyst, John Mauldin John@FrontLineThoughts.com Copyright 2008 John Mauldin. All Rights Reserved Note: The generic Accredited Investor E-letters are not an offering for any investment. It represents only the opinions of John Mauldin and Millennium Wave Investments. It is intended solely for accredited investors who have registered with Millennium Wave Investments and Altegris Investments at www.accreditedinvestor.ws or directly related websites and have been so registered for no less than 30 days. The Accredited Investor E-Letter is provided on a confidential basis, and subscribers to the Accredited Investor E-Letter are not to send this letter to anyone other than their professional investment counselors. Investors should discuss any investment with their personal investment counsel. John Mauldin is the President of Millennium Wave Advisors, LLC (MWA), which is an investment advisory firm registered with multiple states. John Mauldin is a registered representative of Millennium Wave Securities, LLC, (MWS), an FINRA registered broker-dealer. MWS is also a Commodity Pool Operator (CPO) and a Commodity Trading Advisor (CTA) registered with the CFTC, as well as an Introducing Broker (IB). Millennium Wave Investments is a dba of MWA LLC and MWS LLC. Millennium Wave Investments cooperates in the consulting on and marketing of private investment offerings with other independent firms such as Altegris Investments; Absolute Return Partners, LLP; Pro-Hedge Funds; EFG Capital International Corp; and Plexus Asset Management. Funds recommended by Mauldin may pay a portion of their fees to these independent firms, who will share 1/3 of those fees with MWS and thus with Mauldin. Any views expressed herein are provided for information purposes only and should not be construed in any way as an offer, an endorsement, or inducement to invest with any CTA, fund, or program mentioned here or elsewhere. Before seeking any advisor's services or making an investment in a fund, investors must read and examine thoroughly the respective disclosure document or offering memorandum. Since these firms and Mauldin receive fees from the funds they recommend/market, they only recommend/market products with which they have been able to negotiate fee arrangements.
Send to a Friend | Print Article | View as PDF | Permissions/Reprints
You have permission to publish this article electronically or in print as long as the following is included: John Mauldin, Best-Selling author and recognized financial expert, is also editor of the free Thoughts From the Frontline that goes to over 1 million readers each week. For more information on John or his FREE weekly economic letter go to: http://www.frontlinethoughts.com/learnmore To subscribe to John Mauldin's E-Letter please click here: http://www.frontlinethoughts.com/subscribe.asp To change your email address please click here: http://www.frontlinethoughts.com/change.asp If you would ALSO like changes applied to the Accredited Investor E- Letter, please include your old and new email address along with a note requesting the change for both e-letters and send your request to wave@frontlinethoughts.com To unsubscribe please refer to the bottom of the email. PAST RESULTS ARE NOT INDICATIVE OF FUTURE RESULTS. THERE IS RISK OF LOSS AS WELL AS THE OPPORTUNITY FOR GAIN WHEN INVESTING IN MANAGED FUNDS. WHEN CONSIDERING ALTERNATIVE INVESTMENTS, INCLUDING HEDGE FUNDS, YOU SHOULD CONSIDER VARIOUS RISKS INCLUDING THE FACT THAT SOME PRODUCTS: OFTEN ENGAGE IN LEVERAGING AND OTHER SPECULATIVE INVESTMENT PRACTICES THAT MAY INCREASE THE RISK OF INVESTMENT LOSS, CAN BE ILLIQUID, ARE NOT REQUIRED TO PROVIDE PERIODIC PRICING OR VALUATION INFORMATION TO INVESTORS, MAY INVOLVE COMPLEX TAX STRUCTURES AND DELAYS IN DISTRIBUTING IMPORTANT TAX INFORMATION, ARE NOT SUBJECT TO THE SAME REGULATORY REQUIREMENTS AS MUTUAL FUNDS, OFTEN CHARGE HIGH FEES, AND IN MANY CASES THE UNDERLYING INVESTMENTS ARE NOT TRANSPARENT AND ARE KNOWN ONLY TO THE INVESTMENT MANAGER. John Mauldin is also president of Millennium Wave Advisors, LLC, a registered investment advisor. All material presented herein is believed to be reliable but we cannot attest to its accuracy. All material represents the opinions of John Mauldin. Investment recommendations may change and readers are urged to check with their investment counselors before making any investment decisions. Opinions expressed in these reports may change without prior notice. John Mauldin and/or the staff at Thoughts from the Frontline may or may not have investments in any funds cited above. Mauldin can be reached at 800-829-7273. EASY UNSUBSCRIBE click here: http://www.frontlinethoughts.com/unsubscribe.asp Or send an email To: wave@frontlinethoughts.com This email was sent to jmiller2000@verizon.net Thoughts from the Frontline 1000 North Ballpark Way, Suite 216 Arlington, TX 76011